had a hand in the federal strategy, Robertson and Moore take issue with a
plan that emphasizes the economic opportunities in an effective climate
response over the depth of the emergency humanity faces. “That is the
goal,” they write. “Not to be left behind. To be able to compete in a
changing world. To be a global economic leader. Nowhere is there mention
of a crisis nor a situation that requires an emergency footing, an
emergency response.”
On that basis, they conclude that the updated climate plan the
government released in December assumes “there is climate change, not a
climate emergency,” that “economic growth is the overarching goal even
for climate policy”, that market players will solve the problem given
the right price signals to respond to, and the fossil industry “must be
protected and supported” through the adoption of a “‘fossil first’
climate action plan instead of a ‘climate first’ approach.” It envisions
a new, low-carbon era that strengthens Canada’s existing “export-led,
extraction-based economic model”, while assuming the country will become
a hydrogen superpower.
“It is this problematic orientation together with a set of inadequate
climate initiatives that will lead inevitably to more missed emission
reduction targets and broken climate promises,” they write.
Environmental organizations criticized the existence of a working group they say indicated a deepening relationship between the Trudeau government and oil corporations.
